The joint launch of the Transitional Justice and Reconciliation (TJR) Roadmap by the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) is more than a symbolic step in the long and difficult peace process—it is an attempt to confront centuries-old injustices that created cycles of exclusion, armed rebellion, and state neglect in Mindanao. Anchored in the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB), the TJR Roadmap operationalizes the normalization commitments that are essential to transforming the political settlement into a lived reality for the communities who suffered the brunt of violence.

But this promising development exposes a critical truth: the peace in the Bangsamoro cannot be complete unless it includes justice and security for Non-Moro Indigenous Peoples (NMIPs)—the Teduray, Lambangian, Dulangan Manobo, and other ancestral communities whose vulnerability has only deepened in the years since the BARMM transition began.

The success of the TJR Roadmap will ultimately depend on one defining question:
Will it finally bring justice to those who have historically lived on the margins of both state and insurgent politics?

I. A New Stage in the Peace Process—With Old Wounds Still Festering

The TJR Roadmap gives practical shape to commitments outlined as early as 2014 under the CAB’s Annex on Normalization. The framework—centered on truth, justice, reparation, and guarantees of non-recurrence—seeks to address:

• historical injustices,
• systematic land dispossession,
• human rights violations, and
• marginalization of conflict-affected communities.

MILF Peace Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal’s remarks captured the emotional grounding of this process: that the roadmap seeks to “put to paper what the Bangsamoro have stored in their hearts and minds”—the suffering of their ancestors and the wounds carried into the present.

But while the Bangsamoro struggle is unquestionably rooted in real and painful injustices, the roadmap must address those shared by others who were also dispossessed, displaced, and terrorized—especially NMIPs whose experiences have too often been overshadowed by the dominant narratives of the conflict.

In short, the region has more than one history of injustice. The TJR must be capable of addressing them all.

II. NMIPs: The Invisible Casualties of Conflict and Governance Gaps

For the past 15 years, Climate Conflict Action (CCAA)—formerly International Alert Philippines—has consistently documented violence experienced by NMIPs in Maguindanao, Upi, South Upi, Datu Odin Sinsuat, and surrounding areas. These include:

• land grabbing by armed groups and political clans,
• forced displacement,
• threats, harassment, and burnings,
• armed incursions into ancestral domain,
• and most recently, beheadings and killings of Teduray and Lambangian community members.

CCAA and the traditional governance structure Timuay Justice and Governance (TJG) have raised alarms that NMIPs remain the most unprotected and politically vulnerable sector in the BARMM. Their ancestral domains overlap with contested areas, economic interests, and zones of influence of groups long entrenched in the conflict ecosystem.

While the BARMM transition continues, NMIPs face:

• weak state protection,
• unclear jurisdiction between BARMM agencies and the NCIP,
• delayed ancestral domain titling, and
• a rise in violence” following land delineation setbacks.

This reality is not peripheral—it goes straight to the heart of the transitional justice agenda.

If transitional justice is about addressing the roots of conflict, then the dispossession and violence targeting NMIPs are not side issues—they are central challenges.

III. The TJR Roadmap: Historic but Not Yet Inclusive Enough

The roadmap, approved January 31, 2025, follows two tracks:

Track One – Legislative Creation of the National TJR Commission (NTJRCB)

A critical structure meant to institutionalize truth-telling, accountability, reparations, and reconciliation.

Track Two – Programmatic Actions Under Existing Agencies

Covering historical injustices, land issues, protection policies, and cultural healing.

These mechanisms present strong opportunities—but they also reveal major gaps if NMIP concerns are not integrated:

A. Representation Gaps

Transitional justice bodies must guarantee NMIP representation, not merely consult them.
Without formal inclusion, NMIPs risk being treated as stakeholders, not rights-holders.

B. Land Justice Gaps

MILF TWG Chair Amir Mawallil Dodo’s principle—return land when possible, compensate when not, and acknowledge when compensation is impossible—is step forward.
However, NMIP ancestral domains are governed by a different set of laws (IPRA), requiring:

• coordination with NCIP,
• respect for prior rights,
• mechanisms aligned with Indigenous customs,
• and redress for decades of land encroachment by both state forces and local power players.

C. Historical Narrative Gaps

Correcting “negative descriptions of the Moro people” is essential—
but correcting the erasure of NMIP histories is equally urgent.

Transitional justice cannot reproduce the historical exclusion of Indigenous voices.

D. Security Gaps

The killing of Teduray farmer Ramon Lupos—initially attributed to Dawlah Islamiya—shows how easily justice can be derailed when investigations focus on convenient narratives rather than actual motives.
CCAA rightly cautioned authorities that this case bears signs of land-related violence disguised as extremist activity.

The need for a permanent, rapid-response ancestral domain security task force is not optional—it is a survival issue.

IV. Congressional Action: A Crucial Opportunity to Correct Historical Exclusion

MILF Chairman Murad Ebrahim’s appeal to Congress to pass the NTJRCB law mirrors the urgency felt by communities waiting for justice.
But the NTJRCB’s mandate must explicitly:

• protect NMIP rights under IPRA,
• ensure NMIP representation in the Commission,
• address land dispossession unique to Indigenous communities,
• harmonize BARMM authority with NCIP’s mandate,
• and guarantee security for threatened villages.

Transitional justice that ignores Indigenous peoples is transitional justice that fails at the outset.

V. A Much-Needed Executive Order: Immediate Protection While Waiting for the Law

The congressional committee’s push for an Executive Order creating interim mechanisms for NMIP safety is a powerful and long-overdue step.
If crafted properly, the EO can:

• create a permanent security task force for ancestral territory protection,
• prevent further killings and forced displacement,
• establish early warning systems,
• ensure coordinated response between BARMM, NCIP, OPAPRU, AFP, and PNP,
• and stop the cycle of impunity that has plagued Indigenous communities.

This EO is not just complementary to the TJR Roadmap—it is necessary for the roadmap’s credibility.

VI. Why NMIP Inclusion Will Determine the Future of Peace in Mindanao

As Secretary Carlito Galvez pointed out, the TJR Roadmap is a “renewed commitment” to a just and lasting peace.
But peace will not last if:

• NMIPs continue to be killed in their own ancestral lands,
• their homelands remain unprotected,
• their titles remain unresolved,
• and their voices remain muted or sidelined.

The transition period has already seen:

• destruction of Indigenous villages,
• repeated displacement,
• and the slow shrinking of ancestral territories due to encroachment.

These realities are not just governance issues—they are active conflict drivers.

A peace process that fails to protect NMIPs will inadvertently fuel resentment, suspicion, and grievance—conditions that can be exploited by armed groups and spoilers.

This is why NMIP inclusion is not just a matter of fairness—it is a matter of conflict prevention.

VII. The Path Forward: Ensuring the TJR Roadmap Brings Justice to ALL Peoples of the Bangsamoro

To ensure the TJR Roadmap becomes a true instrument of justice, the following must be prioritized:

1. Institutionalize NMIP representation in the NTJRCB and all TJR bodies

Not tokenism—decision-making power.

2. Establish a permanent ancestral domain security task force

One with quick response capabilities and direct coordination with both BARMM and national agencies.

3. Accelerate the delineation and awarding of NMIP ancestral domain titles

Delayed titling has already led to fatal consequences.

4. Harmonize BARMM and NCIP mandates

Clear jurisdiction must be established and respected.

5. Create dedicated truth-telling platforms for NMIPs

To document decades of displacement, killings, coercion, and land loss.

6. Address land-related violence as a distinct category

Not as general crime or “terrorism,” but as a structural injustice requiring political solution.

Conclusion: A Strong Call for an Inclusive Peace

The launch of the Transitional Justice Roadmap is a milestone. But it is only meaningful if it becomes a roadmap for all—Moro, Christian settler, and especially Non-Moro Indigenous Peoples whose survival depends on justice, protection, and recognition.

Transitional justice in the Bangsamoro is not just a matter of addressing the past of one people—it is about repairing the wounds of an entire region, and ensuring that no community is left vulnerable to violence, exclusion, or erasure.

If NMIP rights and safety remain unaddressed, peace in the Bangsamoro will be fragile.
But if the government, the MILF, the BARMM leadership, and Congress rise to this moment—
the TJR Roadmap can become the foundation of a just, lasting, and inclusive peace that finally honors all the peoples of Mindanao.