The people of the Bangsamoro have endured decades of armed conflict, broken promises, and hard-fought negotiations just to reach this fragile point in history—a point where autonomy is not just a dream, but a reality enshrined in the law and in the peace agreements signed between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). Yet, in the past weeks, this delicate peace has been shaken by allegations of political meddling from none other than two of Malacañang’s most powerful men: Special Assistant to the President (SAP) Anton Lagdameo Jr. and Presidential Adviser on Peace, Reconciliation, and Unity (OPAPRU) Secretary Carlito Galvez Jr.
In Cotabato City on August 14, hundreds of members of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) from across the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) poured into the streets—not to celebrate progress, but to sound the alarm. They hurled tomatoes, eggs, and slippers at images of Lagdameo and Galvez, a symbolic act of deep frustration and betrayal. Their message was clear: Stop interfering in BARMM affairs. Respect our autonomy. Honor the peace agreements.
This is not mere political noise. It is the collective cry of communities—Moro, settler, and indigenous—who have staked their future on the promise that the Bangsamoro would be allowed to govern itself without undue interference from the national government. It is the voice of those who fear that the creeping hand of political control from Manila will undo years of painstaking trust-building between the state and the Bangsamoro people.
The Cost of Meddling
At the heart of the protest is a set of serious accusations: that certain national officials are inserting themselves into BARMM governance processes, delaying key aspects of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB), slowing down the normalization track, and even influencing the pace and direction of the upcoming BARMM parliamentary elections scheduled for October 2025.
Pastor Bryan Saguban of the Evangelical Christian Settlers Community spoke for many when he declared that the BARMM has “enough capacity to govern itself” and that national officials “should no longer be meddling” in its affairs. He is right. Every time the GPH undermines the autonomous structures it helped establish, it sends a dangerous message: that autonomy is conditional, revocable, and ultimately subject to the whims of political power in Manila.
And what happens when that trust is broken? History answers: instability, resentment, and sometimes, renewed conflict. The Bangsamoro peace process has already survived countless delays and challenges, but it will not survive if its very spirit—self-determination—is casually violated.
Peace Agreements Are Not Optional
The CAB is not a suggestion. It is a binding political settlement that cost lives, resources, and decades of negotiation. Its provisions on governance, normalization, and decommissioning are not meant to be cherry-picked or implemented at the convenience of whoever sits in power.
The CSOs in Cotabato are not asking for special treatment—they are demanding what was already promised:
- The full, unaltered implementation of the peace agreements.
- The halting of the fourth phase of decommissioning until pending commitments are met.
- The cessation of unilateral actions that bypass the Bangsamoro leadership.
- The assurance that the October 2025 parliamentary elections will be free from interference.
If the government truly believes that “peace in the BARMM is peace for the Philippines,” as many leaders claim in speeches, then it must act accordingly—by respecting the structures it helped create, not by trying to control them from the outside.
The Political Temptation
Let’s be honest: the Bangsamoro is not just a peace project—it is also a political prize. With vast natural resources, a growing economy, and significant political weight, the region is too tempting for some in the national government to leave alone. But every act of interference, every shadow of manipulation, risks turning that prize into a powder keg.
This is why the August 14 protest matters. It is a warning shot—not against peace, but for it. The rallyists understand that the peace process is not invulnerable. They know that it can be derailed not just by bullets and bombs, but by backroom deals, delayed implementations, and the quiet erosion of autonomy.
A Test for the Marcos Administration
President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. now faces a test of leadership. Will he heed the call of the CSOs, listen to the voices from Cotabato, and instruct his top aides to step back and respect the process? Or will he allow political meddling to fester, risking not just his administration’s credibility but the peace his predecessors helped secure?
The answer to that question will resonate far beyond the Bangsamoro. Because if the government cannot be trusted to honor a signed agreement with the MILF, what message does that send to other groups considering peace talks? If autonomy in BARMM is treated as negotiable, what faith can other regions have in Manila’s word?
The Road Ahead
The Bangsamoro is at a crossroads. The parliamentary elections this October are not just a democratic exercise—they are a milestone in proving that a post-conflict society can govern itself effectively and peacefully. But this will only happen if the elections are conducted without manipulation, and if the peace agreements are implemented as signed, not as politically adjusted.
The national government has a choice: to be a partner in peace or a saboteur of it. And the people of the Bangsamoro have made their position clear: they will not quietly watch their autonomy be eroded.
In the words printed on one protest banner: “GPH, honor and implement peace agreements. Galvez and Lagdameo, stop interfering in BARMM affairs.”
This is not just a demand—it is a reminder that peace, once broken, is far harder to rebuild. And the Bangsamoro cannot afford another cycle of betrayal and conflict. Neither can the Philippines.